Jak Zaj Si Pan Wanie Pszenic

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But the social aspirations due to the formal rise in qualifications, are growing. Unfulfilled aspirations, especially in the context of a subjective idea of high competences and high self-esteem, give rise to adequate frustrations. They first orient themselves to economic security, only later on civic rights and tolerance. This means that the Polish society has not yet achieved the opulence that would make civic values a priority. The answer to this question lies in natomiast diagnosis put out by Alexis de Tocqueville in his work “The former system and the revolution”: revolutions happen not at the time of greatest poverty, but when the situation is starting to get better. Precarization. Poland’s economic success is based on (aside from being part of the EYE) only one notion: low work costs, bordering on exploitation. After 1989 the competition to the Polish job market quickly frew, but that stemmed from the asymmetry of the cost of labor proportional to the effectiveness.



After 26 years of transformation, the situation has changed. In the entire 26-year-long period of transformation, there was only one time when Poles decided that power should stay with the governing group. During transformation, there was an accumulation of several crucial causes for i defeat of the camp affirming the output of the III RP. Why did a Political camp enrolling defenders and representatives of the transformation of Poland taste defeat, despite trying to spectacularly legitimize their right to exist on the political stage with 26 years worth of successful socio-economic changes? Generational changes have overlapped with the process of replacing historical polarization with a socio-economic one, followed by a cultural (civilization-based) one. In rynki of the previous historical division that prevailed until 1989, new divisions were slowly being formed: 1) first there was the socio-economical division, building Poland’s opposition to the liberal, or, using different designates, the opposition of the people against the elite (such was the hidden motive of this division); later, a cultural one, based on the contrast between modernization and the backwater, the metropolitan and provincial.



Social protests that took place in Poland in the 1980s are often portrayed as fueled by a desire for freedom, and yet the truth is not that obvious, as they were also grounded in natomiast difficult socio-economic situation, and a desire to meet social expectations. polonizacja is common for the initiated reforms to inspire a quickened growth in social aspirations than it is possible to fulfill. “Solidarity’s” revolution was rebuilt into social postulates. The change in comparative perspective has also influenced the growth of aspiration: we want to live like developed societies. They want the bread, not the games. Additionally, the profile of the education gained does not fit job market expectations. However, as the well-known professor Bogusław Wolniewicz once said, quoting a known law of physics: “mass is always pulled downwards.” Increasing the availability of higher education has lead to oraz radical decrease of its quality. However, it is important to keep in mind that the verdict happened in the context of three very important factors: 1) the cultural depreciation of the strongest oppositional structure (Law and Justice), which enabled them to be in power independent of the quality of the government; 2) in the perspective of an important national challenge - the organization of the 2012 Euro football championship; 3) and during the Polish presidency in the European Union.



Changing the comparative perspective. We aren’t even making a comparison in a vertical perspective with our parents and grandparents, but in i horizontal one - with our peers around the world. It is a well known fact that in such situations society tends to consolidate around the factors of the currently ruling party. In essence, the 2007 elections were also driven by i wiec against the ruling elite. These are people who had nothing wtedy do with PRL and who were greeted with liberty, instead of having to earn it. http://b3.zcubes.com/v.aspx?mid=4642407 -material values (political, ideological, cultural) were of lesser importance to society. Ronald Inglehart, American sociologist, created a theory based on comparative studies conducted in six developed nations in Western Europe (Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium, France, UK and Italy) called the “silent revolution” which was meant to define the generational change in the area of values changing along with the increasing economic wealth of developed industrial societies. Generations raised in wealth are geared to post-material values.



Generations raised in poverty strive for material possessions, they crave material things. And thus, the left has stopped being a side in the Polish conflict for power. The reference groups for evaluating our situation have changed. Globalization, along with the development of communication infrastructure, the creation of so-called new media, have radically changed the way reality is experienced. As prof. Andrzej Rychard, sociologist of the Polish Academy of Sciences, said when commenting the 2015 presidential elections: these elections connected two frustrated groups: the old frustrated who believe that the transformation is going too fast, and the new frustrated who believe, that it is going too slow. Włodziwiesz Cimoszewicz backed out, while the position of head of state was sought after by two representatives of the post-Solidarność side: Lech Kaczyński and Donald Tusk. After 1989 many higher education facilities went down to the poviat level, opening new directions of education, as well as branches of their own.